Skip to main content

May The #Media Question?

(Pic courtesy: Gopal Dutt Sharma)

In India, it may. But many a times it cannot. This despite the fact that media -- especially TV news -- is said to be self-regulatory.


Take the example of a government ban on two Malayalam (Kerala) news channels over their coverage of violence in Delhi. The 48-hour embargo, imposed on February 6 was however revoked the next day following “representation” from the channels, reported news outlets.

The order reportedly included… "Channel's reporting on Delhi violence seems to be biased as it is deliberately focusing on the vandalism of CAA supporters...

It also questions RSS and alleges Delhi Police inaction. Channel seems to be critical towards Delhi Police and RSS…".

(Pic courtesy: Gopal Dutt Sharma)

If so, is this an official statement on who, or what the media cannot or should not "criticize"?
Not the first time Indian media critical of the government of the day was “banned”. It was perhaps worse between 1973 and 1975 – when there were not as many media platforms. Media houses face similar censure in various states and in many cities too.


Gokulpuri, the day after (Pic courtesy: Gopal Dutt Sharma)


In 1988, the Rajiv Gandhi-led government was forced to withdraw a “Defamation Bill”. In 2018, a guideline issued by the Information and Broadcasting Ministry – stating that if a journalist created or propagated fake news, his/her accreditation may be canceled – had to be withdrawn. Both times, Prime Minister had to intervene for revoking…

And on so-called social media, we find complaints on what “media does not report”! That comes from both sides of the divide. That manifests into hatred, then anger, then physical intimidation.

Recently, many colleagues and friends were up against bullying and terror in the Delhi flare-up. They were abused, harassed and even thrashed. Their rendition of the horror underlines the difficult path they tread.


Loss of property: Burnt cars (Pic courtesy: TV grab from News Time)

While a particular breed of media is welcomed by a particular mob, the “others” are intimidated.

My first brush with such hatred and anger was in 1992 in Ayodhya . Even as I set foot there, the tension was palpable. The mob was incited following a particular story by a foreign news organization.

What happened that day and thereafter is known to all. The experience still haunts me!

Not too long back, reporters from Right-leaning TV news channel had to hide their identity when covering the row at Jawaharlal Nehru University. Similarly, those sympathizing with the JNU Students’ Union were harassed by the “other side”.

In early 20s, the Left Front government in West Bengal did not spare critics. Reporters from a popular Bengali news production house had then earned the wrath of comrades to the extent that even their newsroom was raided. Even the present state government treats criticism mostly with an iron hand.

The story repeats elsewhere too. And add to it the uncertainties in covering insurgency and natural calamities…

According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF) “Violence against journalists – including police violence, attacks by Maoist fighters, and reprisals by criminal groups or corrupt politicians – is one of the most striking characteristics of the current state of press freedom in India…” This report early last year highlighted the many dangers Indian journalists face, “especially those working for non-English-language media outlets in rural areas”.

According to news agency PTI in 2019, India dropped down two notches in World Press Freedom Index ranking 140th out of 180 countries. The Press Freedom Index is an annual ranking of countries compiled and published by RSF. The index only deals with press freedom and does not measure the quality of journalism nor does it look at human rights violations.

Journalism can indeed be dangerous, rendered more hazardous by some with vested interest from outside – perhaps more so from inside – the profession.

(In case of any criticism or suggestion, write to @jayantab15 on Twitter / Facebook or jayantab15@gmail.com)



Comments

Popular posts from this blog

How Beautiful #OurValley #Kashmir

March 1979, my first visit to Srinagar. We took a train from Patna to Jammu, via Delhi. From Jammu, a bus ride to Srinagar… through the Jawahar Tunnel, around ‘Khooni Naala’ – longingly eyeing cricket bats lined on road-sides – all the time cracking walnut shells, popping in mouth the kernel. Had ‘pink tea’ for the first time at a place 60km before Srinagar – called Anantnag… ! Three days in Srinagar never enough; Dal Lake, the boat ride around Char Chinar, the long climb to Shankaracharya Temple, Chasma Shahi, Shalimar Bagh, Nishat Bagh. On yes, I also remember a sound-and-music presentation at Mughal Garden … Breathtaking! And two days never ever enough to explore Kashmir Valley; Tobagganing at Khilanmarg, snowball-fights at Sonmarg, marveling the Lidder River in Pahalgam… Picturesque! And shopping; carpets, knick-knacks made of walnut wood… my mother bargaining in a shop in the overcrowded market at Lal Chowk… She proudly held up the trophy afterwards – a white ru

The Colour

The Queen of Hearts was sad. This one had a good heart. So she was sad because the only thing The Prince wanted to do was attend The Mad Hatter’s Party. He had no interest in either playing croquet or getting anyone’s head offed! So The Queen of Hearts sought the advice of her courtesans. A few told her to leave The Prince at The Mad Hatter’s. Most had their heads offed! However, the majority of those present and voting advised her to anoint him King. They said that he will like a new Party; a Party much, more, bigger than The Mad Hatter’s. Unknown to them, heads were getting offed by themselves. The heads happily got offed voluntarily and bobbed and rolled to join The Cheshire Cat on his tree. The grin of The Cheshire Cat was getting bigger and broader. And even when you could not see The Cheshire Cat at all, you could always see the grin! Now The Prince was The King. He played croquet where the balls were live hedgehogs, the mallets live flamingoes, and the cou

West Bengal Assembly Election 2021 - 1

  M uch has been written about BJP’s “saffron surge” in the last Lok Sabha election in West Bengal, which saw the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress face certain reverse. Earlier, the results of 2016 Assembly election saw the TMC win 211 seats and the Congress 44. The latter’s “tactical ally” CPI(M) won 26, RSP – 3, AIFB – 2 and CPI – 1 assembly seats. Percentage vote share of major political parties in West Bengal in Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections Three seats each went to BJP and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha while an independent candidate won one. West Bengal assembly comprises 294 constituencies. On the other hand, in 2019 Parliamentary polls, without overwhelming support from Muslims, Mamata Banerjee's party could likely have slipped to the number two position. Out of 42 Lok Sabha constituencies in the state, TMC won 22 and the BJP 18. The Congress managed to retain Baharampur and the Maldaha Dakshin seats. Political debate over eight-phase assembly election